I met AbdulLatif Al Mahmoud, the one-time opposition figure who emerged with the National Unity Rally after the protest movement was underway in Bahrain. The Rally was suddenly the government’s answer to the protest movement and the mass opposition movement Wefaq, which was depicted more and more as a sectarian movement aimed against Sunnis. Sunnis and true patriots joined the Rally, the official thinking is. Here’s the first part of what he said (highlights from Part II – Wefaq dragged its feet in talks cos  it was waiting for the Mahdi to come). Enjoy…

How did the Rally emerge?

The National Unity Rally appeared because there was a feeling that some Shia were instituting a sectarian movement to take Bahrain towards the Iranian system, and also because of the verbal and behavioural violence between some Shia and Sunnis. This was a big shock for Sunnis who have lived with Shia without any sectarian sensitivity.

The Rally tried to make sure that the silent voice of many Bahrainis could be heard. It became a popular movement reflecting the Sunni view, as well as some that of some Shia, Boharas, Christians and Jews. They saw that the Rally reflected their opinion in protecting the system and striving for constitutional, political, organisational reform.

What is the future of political reform after this period of repression?

We are convinced that all the issues that caused a problem and could cause a problem in the future must be discussed, so that the system stays stable and so that all citizens, Sunni and Shia, feel safe concerning their future.

Is it possible to have dialogue with opposition who are now in prison?

If we want to have constitutional reform all parties must take part. We consider that there are three forces in society: the system, Sunnis and Shia and political and constitutional reform just have the consent of all. The problem is that the political Shi’ite movement has a problem in that up to now it has not restructured itself. The political leadership of the seven opposition groups failed in managing dialogue. But that doesn’t mean we cancel the Shi’ite sect, or the Shi’ite political groups. What’s needed is that they themselves reorganise themselves and present themselves to society again. I think it’s likely they will change the political leadership, especially Wefaq. When they announce new leaders, I think the issue of dialogue will begin.

The two months Shia say has been a time of terror, repression, prison and mistreatment – will this not make dialogue and coexistence more difficult?

In fact, it’s the Sunnis who lived in terror, especially in the first month (of protests). It wasn’t the Shia who lived in terror, it was the Sunnis. The sectarian movement was very pronounced and they directed many attempts at revenge, insults, and enmity. The cleavage in society was not the fault of the Sunnis or government, it was the political groups and their leaders, they brought the country to this. In the second month, the process began that the Sunnis became sure that the system is there and it would preserve the balance in the country. Those arrested are all those who it has been proved did acts liable to the criminal laws. The terror they live now is a result of the criminal acts that were committed.

At first, didn’t some Sunnis look to the protest movement as a movement for democracy?

In the first stage, some constitutional issues were declared that were reasonable to discuss such as constitutional monarchy, the powers of parliament, the issue of naturalisation. That was from 14-17 February. Some Sunnis were at the roundabout and met them and supported them perhaps too. From 18 February onwards the situation changed, from the Shia demonstrating, against the Sunnis, especially then they announced strikes in schools, what happened at the Salmaniya hospital – things developed. Even those sympathised with them among the Sunnis withdrew and they felt it wasn’t a case of reform, it was a political and sectarian issue. Then it became clear tney wanted to overthrow the system of government and there was a plan with Iran and the Iraqi Daawa Party with Hezbollah and some groups in Kuwait.

That’s all proven?

Yes, it’s proven to us. The presence of the Iranian charge d’affaires in the Salmaniya hospital when the defence forces came – he was there and he wanted to take away a device of high experience and technology. It’s a sign of a form of cooperation. There was also a direct communication device in Salmaniya and channels like Manar, al-Aalam and al-Fajr were broadcasting from it directly and there was another similar device at the roundabout. 

So they are media?

No, it was more than that. It was hi-tech and worth more than 50,000 dinars. Also Iran was facilitating its Arabic media with the opposition. The Daawa in Iraq and other parties stood against Bahrain… Hizbollah had cells in Bahrain.

From a long time ago?

From a long time and the state didn’t know, but then arrested them.